研究者詳細

学術論文
分割表示   全件表示 >>

13 件中 1 - 10 件目

年度
Year
論文題目名
Title of the articles
共著区分
Collaboration
   Classification
NeoCILIUS
   請求番号/資料ID
Request No
掲載誌名 Journal name,出版機関名 Publishing organization,巻/号 Vol./no.,頁数 Page nos.,発行年月(日) Date
2019  ナチュラル・ペダゴジー理論の行方  単著   
ベビーサイエンス  , 18  , 50  , 2019/03   

概要(Abstract)  

備考(Remarks)  

2018  弥生時代中期における戦争:人骨と人口動態の関係から  未設定   
情報考古学  , 24(1・2)  , 10-29  , 2019/03   

概要(Abstract) It has been commonly claimed that prehistoric warfare in Japan began in the Yayoi period. Population increases due to the introduction of agriculture from the Korean Peninsula to Japan resulted in the lack of land for cultivation and resources for the population, eventually triggering competition over land. This hypothesis has been supported by the demographic data inferred from historical changes in Kamekan, a burial system used especially in the Kyushu area in the Yayoi period. The present study aims to examine the previous claim by using an expanded dataset of human skeletal remains and Kamekan. First, in order to quantify the intensity of warfare, we developed a database of injured individuals found in the middle phase of the Yayoi period in two large populations in the northern Kyushu area, the Fukuoka plain and the upper- and middle-stream of the Homan River. Second, we collected Kamekan data from site reports published after 1990 and constructed a comprehensive database to infer the demography in these areas. Finally, we compared the frequency of injured individuals and the inferred demography. The results suggest that the frequency of injured individuals and the population increase tended to be higher at the upper- and middle-stream of the Homan River than on the Fukuoka plain. Different assumptions of the lifetime of each type of Kamekan can produce mixed results on the relationship between demography and the frequency of injured individuals. They were positively correlated under the traditional assumption of constant time intervals, while there was no correlation using time intervals based on carbon dating by the National Museum of Japanese History. Thus, our results are partially consistent with the previous claim that the population increase and the lack of land and resources due to the introduction of agriculture were causes of warfare in the northern Kyushu area in the middle phase of the Yayoi period. 

備考(Remarks)  

2018  A quantitative history of Japanese archaeology and natural science  単著   
Japanese Journal of Archaeology  , The Japanese Archaeological Association  , 6(1)  , 3-22  , 2018/09   

概要(Abstract) This study examines the relationship between Japanese archaeology and natural science through a quantitative analysis of the two most authoritative archaeological journals and two other relevant journals in Japan. First, although previous studies have emphasized the impact of the Department of Anthropology at the University of Tokyo on the scientific aspects of Japanese archaeology, results of the present study suggest that its impact has been more limited than previously assumed. Second, while previous studies claimed that research funding by the Japanese government from the latter half of the 1970s was an important factor in developing the scientific aspects of Japanese archaeology, the present study shows a result inconsistent with the claim. Finally, although I admit that the previous studies have properly captured some aspects of the relationship between Japanese archaeology and science, I conclude that we should look at the broader array of contributors to the relationship between Japanese archaeology and natural science. 

備考(Remarks)  

2017  人骨から見た暴力と戦争:海外での議論を中心に  共著   
日本考古学  , 44  , 65-77  , 2017/08   

概要(Abstract) Violence and warfare in prehistory have been intensely discussed in various disciplines recently. Especially, some controversies are found on whether prehistoric hunter-gatherers had already been engaged in inter-group violence and warfare. Japanese archaeology has traditionally argued that warfare began in the Yayoi period with the introduction of full-fledged. agriculture, though people in the Jomon period. when the subsistence system had been mainly hunting and gathering, had not been involved in inter-group violence and warfare. However, Lawrence Keeley, Samuel Bowles, Steven Pinker, and others have recently focused on archaeological data of human skeletal remains, especially remains with some injures, arguing that prehistoric hunter-gatherers had already initiated inter-group violence and warfare. This paper aims to summarize and examine recent arguments that address the relationship between violence or warfare and human evolution based on archaeological data. In the first place, we summarize the claims of Keeley, Bowles, and Pinker that warfare had already been initiated and was commonplace among prehistoric hunter-gatherers, as well as the counter-argument of Ferguson that these original data are problematic. Secondly, we collect the available data on human skeletal remains from the Mesolithic period in Europe (between 11000BC and 3.500 BC) and argue that these data support Ferguson's argument. In particular, the available data suggests that even though inter-group violence and warfare were present during this period. they were very sporadic. Finally, we discuss the implications of this study and suggest future directions. 

備考(Remarks)  

2017  Violence and warfare in the prehistoric Japan  共著   
Letters on Evolutionary and Behavioral Science  , 8(1)  , 8-11  , 2017/03   

概要(Abstract) The origins and consequences of warfare or largescale intergroup violence have been subject of long debate. Based on exhaustive surveys of skeletal remains for prehistor ic hunter-gatherers and agriculturists in Japan, the present study examines levels of inferred violence and their implications for two different evolutionary models, i.e., parochial altruism model and subsistence model. The former assumes that frequent warfare played an important role in the evolution of altruism and the latter sees warfare as promoted by social changes induced by agriculture. Our results are inconsistent with the parochial altruism model but consistent with the subsistence model, although the mortality values attributable to violence between hunter-gatherers and agriculturists were comparable. 

備考(Remarks)  

2016  人間進化と二つの教育:人間進化の過程において教育はどのような役割を果たしたか  単著   
現代思想  , 青土社  , 5月号  , 188-197  , 2016/04   

概要(Abstract)  

備考(Remarks)  

2016  Violence in the prehistoric period of Japan: the spatiotemporal pattern of skeletal evidence for violence in the Jomon period  共著   
Biology Letters  , 12  , 2016002  , 2016/03   

概要(Abstract) Whether man is predisposed to lethal violence, ranging from homicide to warfare, and how that may have impacted human evolution, are among the most controversial topics of debate on human evolution. Although recent studies on the evolution of warfare have been based on various archaeological and ethnographic data, they have reported mixed results: it is unclear whether or notwarfare among prehistoric hunter–gathererswas common enough to be a component of human nature and a selective pressure for the evolution of human behaviour. This paper reports the mortality attributable to violence, and the spatio-temporal pattern of violence thus shown among ancient hunter–gatherers using skeletal evidence in prehistoric Japan (the Jomon period: 13000 cal BC–800 cal BC). Our results suggest that the mortality due to violence was low and spatio-temporally highly restricted in the Jomon period, which implies that violence including warfare in prehistoric Japan was not common. 

備考(Remarks)  

2015  共感・共感的配慮と道徳性  単著   
心理学評論  , 58(2)  , 236-248  , 2015/09   

概要(Abstract) During the 20th century, many social and developmental psychologists advocated a “received view of empathy” : empathy does not lead to prosocial behaviors but rather, empathic concern does. The main aim of this paper is to examine this received view mainly by focusing on recent research in psychology, neuroscience, and philosophy of empathy. Specifically, Section 2 examines psychological and neuroscientific research on empathy and argues that the received view can be still maintained. Section 3 considers philosophical arguments mainly made by Michael Slote (2010) and argues that his attempt fails and that it is unlikely that empathy is the basis of morality. Finally, some possible future directions in the study of the relationship between empathy and morality are discussed. 

備考(Remarks)  

2015  メタ認知研究の方法論的課題  共著   
動物心理学研究  , 65(1)  , 45-58  , 2015/06   

概要(Abstract) This paper considers methodological problems in animal metacognition studies. After summarizing a variety of experimental designs to study animal metacognition, we review recent literature that were not included in Fujita (2010)’s more comprehensive review. We then examined Carruthers (2008; Carruthers and Rithie 2012)’ skeptic argument against animal metacognition. He argued that no experiments thus far successfully exclude the possibility that animals, as well as human infants, elicit “metacognitive” responses without explicitly and consciously monitoring internal representations. We argued that newly developed experimental paradigms to study explicit memory processes could be a key to reject Caruuthers’ skeptic argument and thus facilitate understanding how we access to the internal representations. 

備考(Remarks)  

2015  Evo-devo as a motley aggregation: Methodological and theoretical diversity in the 1980s  共著   
Biological Theory  , 10  , 156-166  , 2015/04   

概要(Abstract) Although there are many historical and philosophical analyses of evolutionary developmental biology (EvoDevo), its development in the 1980s, when many individual or collective attempts to synthesize evolution and development were made, has not been examined in detail. This article focuses on some interdisciplinary studies during the 1980s and argues that they had important characteristics that previous historical and philosophical work has not recognized. First, we clarify how each set of studies from the 1980s integrated the results or approaches from different biological fields, such as paleontology, developmental genetics, comparative morphology, experimental embryology, theoretical developmental biology, and population genetics. Second, after close examination we show that the interdisciplinary studies during the 1980s adopted different and conflicting views of genes, such as developmental-genetic, epigenetic, or population-genetic ones. We conclude that EvoDevo in the 1980s was a motley aggregation of various kinds of local integration. Finally, we discuss the implications of our analysis by comparing these early EvoDevo studies with those of the Modern Synthesis and with the present state of EvoDevo. 

備考(Remarks)  

Page: [<<PREV] [1] [2] [NEXT>>]